International
Why UN Judge denied early release of Genocide architect Bagosora
On April 1, Judge Carmel Agius, President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT), or the Mechanism, issued a decision denying early release to Théoneste Bagosora, a senior military officer in the regime that planned and executed the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, in Rwanda.
The
motivation of the judge's decision was premised on the fact that although the
prisoner was eligible for early release, the extremely high gravity of his
crimes weighed very heavily against it. The ex-FAR Colonel serving a 35 year
prison sentence in Mali since July 2012 was arrested in March 1996 in
Cameroon.
In
December 2008, the Trial Chamber of the now defunct International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) found him guilty of genocide and other crimes
against humanity as well as rape and sentenced him to life imprisonment. In
December 2011, the Appeals Chamber, then presided over by the controversial
Judge Theodore Meron, reduced his sentence to 35 years of prison.
Bagosora,
who filed a petition for early release in March 2019, would have served
two-thirds of his 35-year sentence by June 2019 and thus eligible to be
considered for early release. But after carefully consulting two other judges,
the President noted, there was agreement that the application be denied in
light of the exceptional gravity of the crimes Bagosora was convicted of and an
absence of sufficient demonstration of his rehabilitation.
"I
also consider his failure to sufficiently demonstrate rehabilitation as
militating against granting the Application. Finally, there is no evidence
before me that demonstrates the existence of compelling humanitarian grounds
which would warrant overriding this negative assessment," reads part of
the President's decision.
According
to the UN court, Bagosora is criminally responsible for genocide, for murder,
extermination, rape, persecution, and other inhumane acts as crimes against
humanity, among his other crimes.
The
Trial Chamber emphasised that between April 6 and 9, 1994, he was the highest
authority in the Ministry of Defence and exercised control over the armed
forces.
There
is no doubt that he was one of the main, if not the most important, person in
Rwanda at a time during which members of the military - and Interahamwe and
other militia working with them as an auxiliary or complementary force -
participated in a widespread and systematic campaign of slaughter and targeted
political assassinations.
Among
other crimes, Bagosora bears superior responsibility for the systematic killing
of prominent personalities and opposition political figures on the morning of
April 7, 1994. These include Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, killed by
forces under Bagosora’s authority, before she could speak to the population
through a radio address the UNAMIR commander was trying to organise for her
that morning.
Bagosora
had actual knowledge that his subordinates were about to commit these crimes
and he did not prevent them. In the hours and days that followed, horrific
crimes were perpetrated on the Tutsi civilians across Kigali.
“The
toll of human suffering was immense,” as stated by the Trial Chamber. “Simple
murder was compounded with extreme brutality and cruelty” and people seeking
refuge “were herded to places of worship, such as Gikondo Parish, before being
brutally killed.
Earlier,
during the peace talks held in Arusha, Tanzania, from mid-1992 to mid-1993,
Bagosora said he was returning home to prepare an apocalypse if the peace
accords were implemented.
Unconvinced Bagosora has been
rehabilitated
In
Judge Agius' view, it is not appropriate to look at the rehabilitation of
perpetrators of Genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes through
exactly the same paradigm as rehabilitation of perpetrators of ordinary
domestic crimes.
For
instance, he noted, while good behaviour in prison may generally be a positive
indicator of rehabilitation in a national context, given the particular nature
and scope of the crimes within the jurisdiction of the Mechanism, "I do
not consider that such behaviour can on its own demonstrate rehabilitation of a
person convicted for some of the most heinous international crimes."
Bagosora’s
behaviour in prison was also carefully assessed; looking at things such as
acceptance of responsibility, signs of critical reflection, and genuine
expressions of remorse. Bagosora offered no indication that he had
accepted responsibility for the crimes he was convicted of. And there were no
signs that he expressed any remorse or regret.
To
the contrary, all the judge saw in Bagosora’s submissions were arguments aimed
at minimising responsibility for his crimes. "I am entirely unconvinced
that Bagosora has been rehabilitated," reads the judge's overall
assessment.
The
government of Rwanda - which repeatedly urged the IRMCT to consider that one of
the critical factors in assessing a request for early release is the gravity of
crimes for which the prisoner was convicted - welcomed the April 1 decision.
Rwanda's
Ministry of Justice noted, in a tweet, that Bagosora’s crimes were grave in the
extreme, not only because of their heinousness nature, but because of the
devastation they precipitated and his key role as a mastermind of the Genocide
against Tutsi.
"Were
it not for his actions, the worst might well have been avoided," the
Ministry said. Rwanda's views in opposing Bagosora’s release were that granting
his application would cause irreparable harm to the victims of his crimes.
Kigali
emphasised that just as Rwandans find solace in the knowledge that the
Mechanism continues to hold chief perpetrators of the Genocide accountable for
their actions, they are deeply unsettled by the prospect of inappropriate early
release.