International
29 years on, Genocide fugitives still hide behind political activism
Rwanda
saw 100 days of bloodshed when more than one million people lost their lives in
the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The
international community deceived Rwanda in trying the Genocide perpetrators,
after standing by when the tragedy was happening. Rwanda expected support from
the international community in tracing the whereabouts of these genocidaires
who fled the country so that justice would be served. The country’s hope was, among others, based
on the Genocide Convention adopted by the General Assembly of the United
Nations on December 9, 1948, that signified the international community's
commitment to 'never again' after the atrocities committed during the Second
World War.
Importantly,
the Convention establishes on State Parties the obligation to take measures to
prevent and to punish the crime of genocide, including by enacting relevant
legislation and punishing perpetrators, whether they are constitutionally
responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.
That
obligation, in addition to the prohibition not to commit genocide, have been
considered as norms of international customary law and therefore, binding on
all States, whether or not they have ratified the Genocide Convention, declared
the UN.
Hiding behind political activism
A
large number of genocide fugitives are shielded by so-called political parties
in exile, including but not limited to FDU-Inkingi and RUD-Urunana. Most of the
parties, self-proclaimed as Rwandan opposition, were crafted by individuals
involved in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi to escape justice.
When
Kigali releases their arrest warrants, they keep on propagating the pretext
that Rwanda goes after them just because they oppose its political system. There is well documented evidence showing how
those fugitives committed genocide crimes.
For
instance, Maj Pierre Claver Karangwa, living
in The Netherlands, participated in the massacres of the Tutsi who had
taken refuge in Mugina parish, Kamonyi district. The attack of April 24, 1994
saw Karangwa ordering militias to throw Tutsi in the toilets, and providing
petrol to burn others alive.
As a member of FDU-Inkingi, The Hague court’s ruling
against the extradition was based on testimonies provided by Filip
Reyntjens, a former advisor in the genocidal government, and Human Rights Watch
reports, that testified that the genocide suspect is considered a ‘political
opponent and would not get a ‘fair trial’ once in Rwanda.
Being
a so-called political opponent does not remove the fact that he is a
génocidaire if
The Netherlands’ judiciary is independent, and the refusal of extradition
does not waive Karangwa’s atrocities and participation in the 1994 Genocide
against the Tutsi.
The
brain behind the creation of FDU-Inkingi, is Charles Ndereyehe Ntahontuye, also
living in The
Netherlands. During the 1994 Genocide he was director of ‘Circle of
Progressive Republicans,’ a small group of Hutu extremists from Ruhengeri and
Gisenyi who were in the public administration, united by hatred of Tutsi. The
group created CDR, an extremist party which played a big role in genocidal
propaganda, from Genocide preparation to calling on the Hutu to join forces in
order to exterminate the Tutsi.
He
took part in massacres carried out at the Rwanda Agricultural Research
Institute (ISAR), of which he had become director general of in 1993. On 26
April 1994, more than 300 people were killed under his orders. Ndereyehe would
provide Rwf 10,000 to anyone who killed the Tutsi on his orders.
Ndereyehe
is among the authors of a mobilization document for Hutu from northern Rwanda to
participate in the Auto defence Civile
program, entitled: "Distress call for nationals of the disaster areas of
Ruhengeri and Byumba.” In this document, an appeal was launched for civil
self-defense, putting in place the instruments to kill those who were qualified
as the country's enemies, namely the Tutsi and opponents of the regime.
Marcel
Sebatware, a
senior member of FDU-Inkingi, is former director of CIMERWA factory, now
living in Belgium. He collaborated with Yussuf Munyakazi in organizing
massacres of the Tutsi who had taken refuge in Bugarama, Rusizi district. They
were removed from their homes to be killed and thrown into the Rusizi, Ruhwa
and Rubyiro rivers.
Sebatware’s
lawyer, Jean Flamme, had in 2020 claimed that Sebatware is neither a genocide
fugitive nor a terrorist
Capt
Faustin Ntirikina, now living in France and Major Rwabukwisi Vincent were
leaders of the Interahamwe training at Gabiro camp. The Interahamwe were the
genocidal militia used to accelerate the massacres of Tutsi in rural and urban
areas.
Ntirikina
is a member of RUD-Urunana and the mastermind of the 2019
attacks in Kinigi, Northern province of Rwanda, which led to dozens of
civilians being killed and many others injured.
Rukeshangabo Frodouard in Australia often
complains that he is sought for political reasons. Yet, he directed the mass
murder and torture of the Tutsi in Kibungo, Ngoma district, where more than
20,000 Tutsi lost their lives.
He
was nicknamed “trophy hunter” for his
enthusiasm in hunting down the Tutsi during the genocide. He led a group of
Interahamwe militia in the area, requesting them to bring him the heads of
murdered Tutsi.