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DRC constantly breaching Luanda roadmap, Nairobi Process

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On July 6, 2022, Presidents Paul Kagame, Félix Tshisekedi and João Lourenço met in Luanda, Angola’s capital, and agreed on a roadmap to address the security crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo as well as de-escalating tension between Rwanda and DRC. The agreement was preceded by the East African Community-led Nairobi Peace Process initiated in April 2022, also aimed at finding a lasting solution to the insecurity in DRC.

 

Under the Luanda roadmap, Rwanda and DRC agreed on preventing violations of territorial integrity and normalizing political and diplomatic relations, among others.

 

Defeating the FDLR, a genocidal militia operating on Congolese soil, and its splinter groups, was among the key actions to be taken. This terrorist group is the origin of tensions between Kigali and Kinshasa, and it also plays a major role in the insecurity in eastern DRC. The militia group was formed by remnants of the perpetrators of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, in 1994.  After being defeated, the Rwandan genocidal regime’s army and militia, fled to the then Zaire, now DRC, enmass.

 

There, the genocidal leadership was able to continue its anti-Tutsi propaganda in full view of the humanitarian community and the international community. The architects of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda knew they lost the war but they plotted to come back to power, sooner or later, and finish off what they had started. To date, they are still plotting, to carry out genocide against the Tutsi, in DRC, Rwanda, and elsewhere.

 

The Luanda and Nairobi Peace initiatives called for the disarmament of all armed groups, cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of M23 rebels from captured territories. But Kinshasa has persistently breached both peace initiatives.

 

In 2022 alone, a coalition of the Congolese army and the Rwandan genocidal militia, FDLR, shelled Rwandan territory three times - on March 19, May 23 and June 10. Besides, FDLR splinter groups have carried out several other attacks in Nyungwe and Virunga national parks in the past.

 

The FDLR is a threat to DRC, their host for nearly the past three decades, Rwanda, and the region, because of their genocide ideology. Kigali wants them denied room for maneuver in eastern DRC and elsewhere but Kinshasa keeps protecting and empowering them as they continue spreading their genocidal agenda, a situation that bothers the Congolese Tutsi community which is directly impacted.

 

Several reports including one by Human Rights Watch published on October 18, pinned FARDC, on supplying arms and ammunitions to the FDLR. An FDLR fighter told HRW that he witnessed four transfers of ammunition. “They also gave us uniforms and boots,” he said.

 

Alice Wairimu Nderitu, the UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, in her recent report to the UN Secretary General, says that "the current violence is a harbinger of the fragility of society and evidence of the continuing presence of the conditions that allowed hatred and large-scale violence to erupt into genocide in the past.

 

In eastern DRC, sha said, the current violence is mainly the result of the refugee crisis which led to the flight of many individuals involved in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda to eastern DRC, forming armed groups such as the  FDLR "which are still active in eastern DRC."

 

The Special Adviser noted that a solution to the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC would require addressing the underlying causes of the violence and learning from the past.

 

Worse still, DRC also violated Rwanda’s territorial integrity on November 7 and December 28 when its fighter jets crossed into Rwanda’s airspace. Kinshasa keeps playing victim, nonetheless.

 

Congolese leaders have relentlessly accused Rwanda of supporting the M23 rebels, and of being responsible for the insecurity in the east of their country. Kigali has denied the allegations and, pleaded with Kinshasa to stop the denial and, instead, address its internal crisis. The M23 rebellion is an internal Congolese political affair that Kigali does not want to be dragged into.

 

Kinshasa has, for long, showed signs that it wants war more than solving problems in diplomatic ways, flouting the regional efforts to find peaceful solutions. The M23 rebel group started withdrawing from its positions as part of the recommendation of the Luanda Mini-Summit held on November 23, but the Congolese army and its coalition keep attacking them.

 

Among others, on December 28, the Congolese army and its allies launched an attack on the M23 rebels, using heavy artillery and fighter jets. That was less than a week after the rebels announced their withdrawal from one of their earlier held territories, Kibumba, as a good will gesture in respect of the Luanda Mini-Summit’s agreement.

 

The Luanda roadmap also urged Kinshasa to create necessary conditions for the return of refugees and ex-fighters of M23 residing in Rwanda. So far, the issue of the return of Congolese refugees seems not to be in the government’s agenda. Rwanda hosts more than 70,000 Congolese refugees who want to return home.

 

Kinshasa’s unwillingness to halt the proliferation of hate speech against Rwandophones also reveals that it is not interested putting in place the right conditions for refugees to come back home, in safety and dignity.

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