How Kinshasa aggravates regional security threat

Author: Jones Mila

• 2024-08-26 06:15:00

Members of the FDLR, a US-sanctioned terrorist group formed by the remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is investing heavily in bringing militia groups together as part of its grand plan of ethnic cleansing. The Congolese government is supplying militia groups with heavy weapons so as to wage war against the AFC/M23 rebel alliance, disregarding the fact that it is planting the seeds of future conflicts.

Kinshasa’s incompetence and lack of coordination of its security forces became an opportunity to armed groups to legitimize their existence and operate with impunity across the eastern part of the country. So far, there are more than 260 armed groups in the country’s east.

Instead of disarming the armed groups, Kinshasa fueled the conflict by heavily arming some of the most dangerous militias, such as, Wazalendo and FDLR, US-sanctioned terrorists formed by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, among others, and using them as proxies to combat the AFC/M23. The situation left many innocent civilians dead, and others displaced, both internally and externally.

These militia groups are committing serious human rights abuses. According to the UN Group of experts on DRC, Kinshasa’s authorization of Wazalendo heightened their criminal activities, expanding territory in some cases and taxing and exploiting civilians in others.

Weapons transfer from the Congolese government to the militias undermined prior calls by the government for armed groups to demobilize and are planting the seeds of future conflicts by further militarizing the region.

Since December 2023, hundreds of commanders and combatants from Wazalendo and FDLR have been in joint trainings. The FDLR’s Deputy Commander Maj Gen Cyprien Uzabakiriho concluded the training on March 19.

Kinshasa’s support of local armed groups could result in many regional security problems. These militia groups have been lately receiving support from the Congolese government to help fight the AFC/M23, a Congolese politico-military organisation which Congolese leaders like to pretend is Rwandan.

By aligning themselves with the Congolese government, the negative militias such as FDLR have now become Tshisekedi’s heroes inspite of the atrocities they are committing. This raises the question: how could those hailed as heroes today ever be judged as criminals tomorrow?

These militia groups have expectations that they will be rewarded by the government for their loyalty, including by being given permanent positions within the military.

“Kinshasa’s policy” is to oppose the wholesale integration of armed groups into the army, a position aimed at avoiding the reward and encouragement of rebellions, yet given its need to keep the armed groups close, it is unclear if this will remain its stance.

Analysts warn that the situation is likely to worsen in the future, making disarmament increasingly difficult, as these groups grow stronger, gain more confidence, recruit more members, and acquire greater experience through ongoing training and support. Resolving the issue today might be far easier than facing a much stronger force tomorrow.

To date, millions of Congolese refugees are scattered all over the world. They have lost their loved ones, dignity, property, and nationality, while running for their lives due to the insecurity in eastern DRC posed by those armed groups.