Regional
New report details France role in foreseeable Genocide against the Tutsi, cover ups after
In 2017 the Government of Rwanda retained Robert F. Muse and
the Washington DC law firm of Levy Firestone Muse LLP to investigate the role
of the French government in connection with the Genocide against the Tutsi in
Rwanda.
The final report of the Muse investigation submitted to the
Government of Rwanda on April 19 details, among many other things, France's
prior knowledge of plans to exterminate the Tutsi and complicity despite the
French government avoiding the truth and failing to acknowledge its role and
responsibility.
"Our Report concludes that the Genocide was
foreseeable. From its knowledge of massacres of civilians conducted by the
government and its allies, to the daily dehumanization of the Tutsi, to the
cables and other data arriving from Rwanda, the French government could see
that a genocide was coming," reads the report.
"The French government was neither blind nor
unconscious about the foreseeable genocide." The report details how, from
1991 to 1992, the French Government increased its support as the Habyarimana
regime dehumanized and massacred the Tutsi.
It details how, between January and March 1993 and later,
ignoring a devastating human rights report exposing the Rwandan Government, the
French Government reached the pinnacle of its intervention in the war against
the RPF which was fighting to prevent the Genocide.
As the RPF military came closer to ending the Genocide, it
is noted, then French President Francois Mitterrand denied France’s
responsibility for the Genocide and claimed that he could not have foreseen it.
"This was false. In the four years
preceding the Genocide, no State worked more closely with the Habyarimana
government than did France."
Beginning in October 1990, French officials in Rwanda
informed Mitterrand and his top aides in Paris that the Rwandan government was
massacring Tutsi as reprisals for RPF attacks, it is noted. Soon after the arrival of French troops,
French officials became aware of the dehumanization, vilification, and killing
of Tutsi. As former French Ambassador to Rwanda Georges Martres would later
reflect, “The genocide was foreseeable as early as then [October 1990], even if
we couldn’t imagine its magnitude and atrociousness.”
On October 24, 1990, the defense attaché at the French
embassy in Rwanda, Colonel René Galinié, warned of “the physical elimination of
the Tutsi within the country, 500,000 to 700,000 people.”
In January 1993, it is noted, a consortium of international
human rights groups reported to French officials in Rwanda and Paris on its
fact-finding mission in Rwanda and detailed government-run death squads and
anti-Tutsi massacres. "The French
Ministry of Defense disregarded an internal warning from April 1993 to leave
Rwanda to avoid being further implicated in the anti-Tutsi massacres and
systemic discrimination.
Beginning in October 1990, hundreds of French
officials—military and civilian—deployed in Rwanda "were privy to the hate
media outlets (printed and broadcast in French), the use of ethnic IDs, the use
of roadblocks to harass Tutsi, the sexual assault of Tutsi women, the torture
inflicted on Tutsi by the Gendarmerie", and the growing violence of the
militias and the military.
It is noted thay the French government knew the CDR and
other extremists had designs to murder the Tutsi. In January 1994, three months
before the start of the Genocide, the French government received a warning from
an informant, relayed through the United Nations that the Interahamwe planned
to slaughter Tutsi en masse. "Despite
the information available to French officials that foreshadowed the Genocide,
the French government did not alter its policy in Rwanda."
Cover-ups,
false narratives after 1994
Since the Genocide, the French Government has covered up its
role, distorted the truth, and protected génocidaires, the report reveals. French
officials, starting with President Mitterrand, have disclaimed any responsibility
for the Genocide. During a September 1994 interview, Mitterrand insisted that
“our responsibility is nil.”
Most importantly, the new report, unlike most others before,
address the quarter century after the Genocide. It details and examines the continued
cover-up, obstruction and false narratives promulgated by the French government
since 1994.
The Report is drawn from a range of both primary and
secondary documentary sources, including transcripts; reports and studies by
governments, non-government organizations and academics; diplomatic cables;
documentaries and other videos; contemporaneous news articles; and other such
resources. The authors met with hundreds of individuals and interviewed more
than 250 witnesses including Rwandans who were in country during the Genocide,
individual or private French officials, diplomats, UN officials and
international organisations' staff during the 90s.
While the Rwandan government placed no restrictions on the
researchers' efforts, there was no cooperation from French officials and
government.
The French government, it is noted, though aware of this
investigation, has not been cooperative, perpetuating what by now can only be
characterized as an ongoing cover-up of omission, deflection, and distortion. "France’s
cover-up is also a failure to accept responsibility and a miscarriage of
justice. The Government of Rwanda has sent the Government of France multiple
requests for documents to establish the facts."
As noted, the French government acknowledged receipt of the
Government of Rwanda’s requests for documents on December 20, 2019, July 10,
2020, and January 27, 2021, "and has produced zero documents in
response." "Until France opens all of its archives and authorizes all
of its government and military officials from the 1990s (and not only those who
approve of French actions in Rwanda) to speak publicly and without fear of
reprisal about what transpired, the public will not know the full story. Only
negative inferences can be drawn from the French government’s
recalcitrance."
As noted, the 1998 French Parliamentary Mission of inquiry into French actions in Rwanda (“MIP”) had critical flaws. To this day, critical documents and testimony from key MIP witnesses remain secret.
"In an interview, the head of the MIP, Paul Quilès,
cleared France of responsibility despite evidence to the contrary." "One
of the MIP’s two rapporteurs would later acknowledge that many of the mission’s
members were not interested in undertaking a good-faith effort to uncover the
truth."
French officials have also attempted to shift blame for the
start of the Genocide to the RPF. They have also promulgated a false narrative
that the Genocide against the Tutsi occurred in parallel to a second genocide
allegedly perpetrated against Hutu by the RPF (the “double genocide” theory).
Agathe Kanziga Habyarimana, the former first lady of Rwanda,
has been allowed to remain in France despite the national court of asylum’s
rejection of her asylum application and its finding that she was “at the heart
of the regime” and was responsible for “planning of massacres of Tutsis from
October 1990 onwards, and therefore among those responsible for planning the
[Genocide Against the Tutsi].”
Despite the arrest of Félicien Kabuga - a top Genocide
suspect believed to have been hiding in plain sight in France for more than a
decade - in May 2020, a positive sign that French authorities may be more
committed to devoting attention and resources to fighting impunity, French
officials have made little effort to bring suspected génocidaires to justice.
So many Rwandan génocidaires continue to live freely in
France. To date, just three génocidaires have been tried in France and
convicted.