The Southern African Development Community (SADC) military mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) is scheduled to end its mission there by July 2024, after three years. It was deployed in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province in 2021, to help fight Islamic insurgents who had been terrorizing the region since 2017.

According to media reports, the end of the SADC mission to Mozambique is largely attributed budgetary constraints than any other reason. However, the fact that SADC troops were also deployed to eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), without any similar mention of financial limitations raised eyebrows. The most logical explanation for that could be that the funding of both missions comes from different sources.

If this is not the case, then the question would be; how does SADC set priorities when Mozambique is under a new wave of terrorist attacks, and shift troops for deployment to eastern DRC?

The deployment of SAMIM and Rwandan troops to Cabo Delgado greatly neutralized the Islamic State-linked insurgents and thousands of earlier displaced people had already returned to their homes and resumed normal activities.

Unfortunately, as SADC is making arrangement to pull its troops out, official reports from the government of Mozambique indicate that fresh attacks by Islamic insurgents took place since January 2024, in the districts of Mocímboa da Praia, Palma, Muidumbe, and Mocomia's coast stretching to Mecufi. It is estimated that in a period of two months, more than 67,000 people have once again evacuated the southern districts of Cabo Delgado.

Questions arise as to whether this would be the right time for SADC to withdraw its troops when insurgents are making a strong comeback or whether SADC is running away from a mission gone bad. Or, is there, perhaps, a more compelling or better deal in DRC with lucrative incentives?

On the other hand, insiders do not rule out underlying political machinations between SADC and authorities in Mozambique. For SADC to abandon the mission in Mozambique and consider deployment to eastern DRC at a time SADC troop’s contribution is needed most in Mozambique, raises more questions than answers.

According to a military expert and Pan Africanist interviewed by The Great Lakes Eye, SAMIM’s decision to withdraw from Mozambique, “defeats the purpose and objective of its original deployment and is a betrayal of the Mozambican people who are still in danger.

“For Tshisekedi to claim that the deployment of SADC troops is in accordance with the principle of collective security action advocated for in the Mutual Defence Pact, is diversionary. The DRC conflict is an internal matter and there is no foreign aggression that invokes intervention by SADC troops.”

Since October 2017, when the Islamic State-linked insurgents started operating in Cabo Delgado Province, until June 2023, more than 6,500 people are estimated to have been killed according to a report by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OHCA), while millions were displaced.

The report confirms that by August 2023, a significant number of these internally displaced persons, totaling 571,468, returned to their homes. All the gains that resulted from the presence of SADC troops in containing the Islamic insurgent are likely to be lost if no other force is deployed as a replacement.

SADC’s deployment to DRC a lucrative deal?

During a meeting in Windhoek, Namibia, on May 7, 2023, SADC approved deployment of troops to DRC and latter an agreement was signed with DRC for SADC troops "to support the Congolese army in fighting and eradicating the M23 and other armed groups that continue to disrupt peace and security in the DRC."

Ironically, DRC government forces, FARDC, have conscripted several armed militia within their ranks and file. The militia groups incorporated by the Congolese army include the genocidal FDLR that originates from Rwanda.

The FDLR which was formed by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda is primarily motivated by its genocidal agenda. Their mission is to kill the Tutsi in Rwanda and in eastern DRC.

The rebellion in eastern DRC has raged on for decades and this is not the first time SADC troops have been called upon to fight the M23 rebels. Inside sources within SADC revealed that the deal to deploy SADC troops was mainly sealed by South Africa which is believed to have the strongest army within SADC capable of ‘smoking out M23 rebels.’

Sources further reveal that, there was a lucrative deal between South African president Cyril Ramaphosa and DRC’s Felix Tshisekedi, for South Africa to deploy its troops and heavy artillery first of all to liberate the mineral rich area of Rubaya in Masisi territory, North Kivu, after which "Ramaphosa would begin paying himself back with transfer of minerals through his businesses in DRC."

It is apparent, therefore, that innocent South African defence forces (SANDF) have been sacrificed for business interests. So far, two SANDF soldiers have lost their lives, while several others were injured.

The SADC troops deployment to DRC is masked by both political and business interests. Although the political interests may be shared across SADC countries, the business interests are mainly between Ramaphosa and Tshisekedi.

SADC's decision to leave the Mozambican people to be killed and terrorized by Islamic insurgents has been manipulated by people with vested interests. The reason given for the withdrawal of troops from Mozambique - financial challenges - is a mere smoke scene.

For SADC troops to go and help Tshisekedi fight M23 rebels who are Congolese people being denied their rights as legitimate citizens is shameful and goes against the African Union objective of promoting and protecting human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments.